Intro -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- List of Figures -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- 1.1 A Theoretical Framework for Global Conferencing -- 1.2 Studying Arctic Governance -- 1.3 Outline of the Book -- References -- Chapter 2: Analytical Framework and Cases -- 2.1 A Theoretical Framework for Global Conferencing -- 2.1.1 The Neorealist Perspective on International Relations and Actors in the Arctic Conference Sphere -- 2.1.2 The Multiple Streams Framework and Agenda-Setting at Conferences -- 2.1.3 Regime Theory and the Arctic Governance Architecture -- 2.2 Central Developments in the Arctic Conference Sphere -- 2.3 The Ideal Model of a Conference -- 2.4 Arctic Frontiers -- 2.4.1 The Structure and Organization of the Arctic Frontiers -- 2.4.2 Participants and Partners of the Arctic Frontiers -- 2.4.3 The Arctic Frontiers´ International Outreach: Seminars Abroad -- 2.4.4 The Value of the Arctic Frontiers for Norway -- 2.4.5 Strengths and Weaknesses of the Arctic Frontiers -- 2.5 Arctic Circle Assembly -- 2.5.1 Structure and Organization of the Arctic Circle Assembly -- 2.5.2 Participants and Partners of the Arctic Circle -- 2.5.3 The Arctic Circle´s International Outreach: Arctic Circle Forums -- 2.5.4 The Value of the Arctic Circle Assembly for Iceland -- 2.5.5 Strengths and Weaknesses of the Arctic Circle Assembly -- 2.6 Two Different Models for Conference Organizing? -- References -- Chapter 3: Arctic Governance: Actors, Processes, and Structures -- 3.1 Arctic States and Their Interests in the Region -- 3.2 Emerging Non-Arctic Stakeholders -- 3.3 Non-governmental Organizations in Arctic Governance -- 3.4 The History and Structure of the Arctic Council -- 3.5 Arctic Governance Arrangements -- 3.5.1 The Arctic Five and the Law of the Sea -- 3.5.2 Barents Cooperation -- 3.5.3 Nordic Cooperation -- 3.5.4 The Arctic Economic Council.
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Small states are perceived to be subject to the will of great powers in the international system. Yet, small states – such as Norway – also have interests they pursue through various means. This article features an inventory of the Norwegian government's main foreign policy and Arctic policy interests, and examines the rationale behind these interests from a domestic and an international perspective. The article highlights Norway's challenges in the Arctic, including balancing between Russia and NATO, Norway's bilateral relationship with the United States, dealing with China as an emerging Arctic stakeholder, and Norway's ambivalent relationship with the European Union concerning the Arctic. The analysis draws on theorizing about small states in world politics and Putnam's two-level game. The latter facilitates the examination of how the Norwegian government must reconcile domestic and international priorities simultaneously, and how the negotiation of foreign policy is conducted as a balancing act in national and international arenas.
The Arctic region has attracted the interest of Arctic and non-Arctic states, as well as non-state actors, for decades. Corresponding with the growing attraction towards the region, the number of conferences attending to Arctic issues has expanded. This article provides an historical mapping of the Arctic conference sphere, and demonstrates how the establishment of Arctic conferences has both paralleled central events in Arctic affairs and can be linked to important international developments. Firstly, there is a notable peak conforming with the "second state change" in 2005, brought about by developments opening the Arctic to global concerns: the impacts of climate change and the spread of the socio-economic effects from globalization to the Arctic. Secondly, the expanding number of conferences around 2013 can be seen in relation to the growing interest in the region from non-Arctic states. As such, this article builds the argument for conferences as a central element within the Arctic governance architecture, creating linkages among units in the regime complex. The article devotes particular attention towards the two largest international conferences on Arctic issues – Arctic Frontiers and Arctic Circle Assembly – to illustrate how the necessity for hybrid policy-science-business conferences arose from a more complex governance system, and challenges requiring cross-sectoral, interdisciplinary, and international collaboration.
The Arctic has become a core national priority for the Arctic states, and the region has attracted the interest of non-Arctic state actors. Since the 1990s, the Arctic has been characterized by cooperative institutions forming a complex picture of transnational collaboration. Increased interest towards the region, catalyzed by geopolitical changes and the impacts of climate change, has also been accompanied by a growth in the establishment of conferences on Arctic issues. Yet, there has been no systematic examination of the role and functions of conferences in Arctic governance. This thesis contributes to filling this knowledge gap, by examining conferences as a new element of the soft-law dimension of the Arctic governance architecture – operating in the intersection between sovereign states and formalized cooperative arrangements. Through an in-depth case study of the two largest arenas for international dialogue in the region: the Arctic Frontiers (Tromsø) and the Arctic Circle Assembly (Reykjavik), and three mechanisms – actors, agenda setting, and the Arctic governance architecture – as points of influence, the thesis concludes on the functions of conferences within Arctic governance. I argue for interaction through conferences as a solution to the challenges of managing the growing number of agenda issues and governance arrangements, and to balance the interests and activities of new stakeholders with those of Arctic rights-holders. Firstly, I demonstrate how Arctic issues have developed a global dimension, and that the dynamic and multidimensional platform provided by conferences has contributed to a broader and refocused globalized agenda. While not governing arenas, I establish how conferences blur the line between governance and dialogue. Secondly, the shift in the Arctic agenda has led to changes in who proclaim to be legitimate stakeholders. The involvement of non-Arctic states can prove central for diplomatic relations, and balanced social and economic development of the Arctic. From this, I argue that the political implications of evolving economic interests open a space for conferences. Thirdly, I demonstrate how conferences contribute as linkages among the growing number of elements in the complex Arctic governance architecture. Conferences function as supplements to the Arctic Council and other arrangements – in expanding the agenda, broadening stakeholder involvement, and improving communication and outreach – but are also complementing alternative arenas, fulfilling unique functions within the Arctic regime complex. ; Fra å være en geopolitisk buffersone under den kalde krigen, har Arktis blitt en nasjonal prioritet for de arktiske statene, og regionen opplever stadig økende interesse fra ikke-arktiske stater. Samtidig som geopolitiske og klimatiske endringer fører til økende interesse for Arktis, har det vært en betydelig vekst i antallet arktiske konferanser. Konferansene er sentrale møteplasser for internasjonalt og tverrfaglig vitenskapelig samarbeid, og for diskusjoner om regionens geopolitiske struktur. Til tross for dette er det ikke gjort systematisk forskning på konferanser innenfor Arctic governance. Denne avhandlingen fyller dette kunnskapshullet, gjennom en studie av konferanser som et nytt element innenfor myk-makt dimensjonen av Arctic governance – i skjæringspunktet mellom suverene stater og formelle samarbeidsorganer. Ved å fokusere på tre mekanismer – aktører, agendasetting og governance-systemets arkitektur – som mulige påvirkningskanaler, konkluderer studien om hvordan Arctic governance påvirkes av konferanser. Det gjøres gjennom en casestudie av de to største arenaene for internasjonal dialog i regionen: Arctic Frontiers (Tromsø) og Arctic Circle Assembly (Reykjavik). De viktigste funnene i studien er at den dynamiske og multi-dimensjonale plattformen konferanser skaper har bidratt til en globalisert agenda i Arktis. Konferanser er arenaer hvor deltakere kan kommunisere sine interesser og aktiviteter for å påvirke agendaen. For det andre har den utvidede agendaen ført til endringer i aktørsammensetningen i Arktis. En av konferansenes hovedfunksjoner er å skape en plattform hvor ikke-arktiske stater kan argumentere for sin legitimitet i regionen. Konferanser spiller dermed en viktig rolle i å inkorporere et økende antall interessenter. For det tredje har Arctic governance arkitekturen blitt mer kompleks som følge av en utvidet agenda og et økende antall involverte aktører, noe som nødvendiggjør rolleavklaringer og samarbeid før å møte nye utfordringer. Konferanser bidrar således med en uformell setting hvor aktører og enheter innenfor denne arkitekturen kan møtes på nøytral grunn, og utgjør bindeledd i det arktiske regimekomplekset.
The Arctic region has attracted the interest of Arctic and non-Arctic states, as well as non-state actors, for decades. Corresponding with the growing attraction towards the region, the number of conferences attending to Arctic issues has expanded. This article provides an historical mapping of the Arctic conference sphere, and demonstrates how the establishment of Arctic conferences has both paralleled central events in Arctic affairs and can be linked to important international developments. Firstly, there is a notable peak conforming with the "second state change" in 2005, brought about by developments opening the Arctic to global concerns: the impacts of climate change and the spread of the socio-economic effects from globalization to the Arctic. Secondly, the expanding number of conferences around 2013 can be seen in relation to the growing interest in the region from non-Arctic states. As such, this article builds the argument for conferences as a central element within the Arctic governance architecture, creating linkages among units in the regime complex. The article devotes particular attention towards the two largest international conferences on Arctic issues – Arctic Frontiers and Arctic Circle Assembly – to illustrate how the necessity for hybrid policy-science-business conferences arose from a more complex governance system, and challenges requiring cross-sectoral, interdisciplinary, and international collaboration.
The Arctic is undergoing rapid changes, both environmentally and politically, and the Arctic states as well as non-Arctic actors are working to establish a presence, secure national interests and natural resources in the High North. Canada is an interesting player in this unpredictable region, with the potential to become an Arctic great power. Canada is the world's second largest country, over 40% of its landmass is located in the north, it has an extensive Arctic coastline and considerable prospects for northern energy and natural resource development. At the same time, Canada's northern territories – the Yukon, the Northwest Territories and Nunavut – are severely underdeveloped. Both the federal and the territorial governments face enormous challenges in terms of social and economic development, infrastructure improvements, providing education and job opportunities, improving housing conditions and the health of Aboriginal peoples and northerners in the territories. These challenges notwithstanding, it is crucial for the federal government to facilitate the continued habitation of the Canadian Arctic to assert and maintain its sovereignty claims to the region, which is becoming increasingly vital as international interests in the circumpolar north grows. To deepen the understanding of how Canada works to position itself in the High North, this thesis sets out to answer the problem statement: what are the main priorities for Canada in its Arctic region, and how does Canada pursue its Arctic policy on the domestic and international level? The thesis examines how Canada works domestically and maneuvers on the international arena to respond to challenges in the region while safeguarding domestic interests and protecting its Arctic sovereignty. It focuses on policy issues pursued unilaterally, through bilateral relations with the other Arctic states and through transnational cooperation in multilateral forums, primarily the Arctic Council. It presents Canada's actions, intentions and motives behind these actions, as well as the outcomes of Canadian Arctic policymaking.
Moscow explicitly challenges what it depicts as a Western-led world order amid shifts in the global balance of power. However, while Russia has emerged as a fundamentally revisionist power in the global system, it has sought to maintain the status quo in Arctic regional governance, that is, to preserve the institutions and arrangements that have cemented its status as a great regional power on top of the world. This study, challenging the notions of Arctic exceptionalism and a distinct Arctic regional order, points out an obvious inconsistency in Russia's approach. It argues that Moscow's attempt at dismantling the world order while maintaining the status quo in the Arctic seems bound to fail simply because the current rules-based, liberal international order has also been the order of the Arctic. In conclusion, this study finds that Russia so far has been more successful in diminishing its own Arctic status and isolating itself from formal as well as informal arrangements than revising them.
I denne fokusspalten tar vi for oss hvordan den norske nordområdepolitikken har blitt kommunisert gjennom bruk av politiske «narrativer». Ved bruk av narrativ politisk analyse belyser vi bruk av ideer om fortid, nåtid og fremtid i og som «nord». Innenriks har dette betydd en gjenfortelling av identitet og økt oppmerksomhet på elementer som hav- og kysthistorie, og utenriks har det betydd en reevaluering av Norges posisjon i verden. Ikke minst har landets internasjonale rolle i dette narrativet blitt karakterisert av ideer om lederskap, bærekraft og ansvar. Vi konkluderer med at nordområdenarrativet har utviklet seg over tid, men at fortellingen slett ikke er over ennå. Den fortsetter i ubrutt takt nordover – og mot havrommet.
Abstract in English:Norwegian High North Narratives and Identity Construction in the NorthIn this short article we consider how Norwegian High North policies have been communicated through political "narratives". Through Narrative Political Analysis, we highlight the use of ideas about past, present and future in and as "the north". Domestically, this has meant a renarrativisation of identity and an increased focus on elements such as ocean and coastal histories; and internationally, it has meant a reassessment of Norway's position in the world. No least the country's international role has in this narrative been characterised by ideas of leadership, sustainability, and responsibility. We conclude that the High North narrative has evolved over time, but that the story is far from over; it continues at steady pace northwards – and towards the ocean.
I denne fokusspalten tar vi for oss hvordan den norske nordområdepolitikken har blitt kommunisert gjennom bruk av politiske «narrativer». Ved bruk av narrativ politisk analyse belyser vi bruk av ideer om fortid, nåtid og fremtid i og som «nord». Innenriks har dette betydd en gjenfortelling av identitet og økt oppmerksomhet på elementer som hav- og kysthistorie, og utenriks har det betydd en reevaluering av Norges posisjon i verden. Ikke minst har landets internasjonale rolle i dette narrativet blitt karakterisert av ideer om lederskap, bærekraft og ansvar. Vi konkluderer med at nordområdenarrativet har utviklet seg over tid, men at fortellingen slett ikke er over ennå. Den fortsetter i ubrutt takt nordover – og mot havrommet. = In this short article we consider how Norwegian High North policies have been communicated through political "narratives". Through Narrative Political Analysis, we highlight the use of ideas about past, present and future in and as "the north". Domestically, this has meant a renarrativisation of identity and an increased focus on elements such as ocean and coastal histories; and internationally, it has meant a reassessment of Norway's position in the world. No least the country's international role has in this narrative been characterised by ideas of leadership, sustainability, and responsibility. We conclude that the High North narrative has evolved over time, but that the story is far from over; it continues at steady pace northwards – and towards the ocean.
This paper discusses the impact of new media on local politics and politicians in a highly digitalised and advanced democracy. Through case studies and interviews of elite representatives in three Norwegian municipalities, the paper's ambition is to gain further understanding of the use of new media at the local political level and how new media influence and shape the role of local political representatives. To this aim we engage with established literature on new media use in campaigns and as self-promotion, as well as literature on new media and democracy. The main findings are that the use of new media, particularly Facebook, is widespread, hardening the political debate, and especially straining for younger women. Moreover, new media contribute to the "professionalizing" of political communication as they require more strategic thinking around messaging and engagement. While they have in some ways contributed to bringing local representatives closer to the citizens and provided valuable information, they have also produced "echo-chamber" effects. In sum, new media provide challenges and opportunities that may impact one's willingness to stand as a representative and contribute to creating new "types" of local politicians.
